JAKARTA, JAGAPAPUA.COM – Meskipun indonesia telah jauh berdaulat dan diakui sebagai sebuah Negara, tetap saja gerakan separitisme selalu mencuat ke permukaan. Bahkan gerakan tersebut terus menancapkan kekuatannya, bergerilya hingga sekarang.
Hal itu nampak terjadi di sejumlah daerah, salah satunya adalah Papua. Munculnya gerakan separatisme dengan besaran skala serta intensitasnya. Akhirnya menimbulkan setumpuk pertanyaan.
Mengapa separatisme masih tetap eksis?
Jika kita menarik dan mencoba berpikir sedikit mendalam, sudah 75 tahun indonesia berusia, namun persoalan ’Nation-State’ diduga masih kerap menyisahkan sederet persoalan fundamental, terlebihnya lagi, masalah integrasi nasional.
Padahal dahulunya, Â seorang Clifford Geertz pernah mengingatkan pada Negara Indonesia sebagai negara “post-colonial state,” negara ini akan terus dihadang dengan persoalan integrasi nasional.
Menurut Geertz, Indonesia tak jauh bedanya dengan negara pasca-jajahan lainnya di dunia. ‘New state’ yang dibangun diatas ‘old societies’, yang masih kuat loyalitas primordialisme berbasis agama, etnik, dan ras.
Tetapi apakah separatisme hanya berbasis loyalitas primordial semata?
Ketika bicara “separatisme”, yang kita bayangkan adalah Aceh dan Papua. Dua daerah dimana pergolakan bersenjata masih kerap terjadi. Latar belakang penyebabnya tentu berbeda, beragam, dan kompleks. Karena itu dibutuhkan pemahaman yang relatif holistik.
Dalam praktik politik, separatisme sering dipahami dan ditafsirkan untuk berbagai tujuan dan kepentingan berbeda. Maka pemahamannya bukan saja bisa berbeda, tapi juga bisa keliru. Pemahaman keliru akan menghasilkan kebijakan keliru dalam menangani persoalan ini.
Separatisme sebagai konsep, adalah suatu ‘social reconstruction of reality’ (meminjam istilah Luckman and Berger). Sebagai rekonstruksi sosial (dan politik) atas realitas tertentu, konsep separatisme bisa ditafsirkan berbeda, tergantung siapa yang menafsirkan dan untuk kepentingan apa.
Maka separatisme bisa digunakan untuk justifikasi kepentingan politik tertentu, atau juga misalnya, untuk memberikan stigma negatif kepada kelompok lainnya (yang ini banyak contohnya dalam sejarah politik Indonesia).
Pada dekade 1950an di Sumatra dan Sulawesi, pernah muncul pergolakan bersenjata menentang pemerintah pusat. Diawali di Sumatra Barat dengan perlawanan PRRI, meluas ke Sumatra Selatan, dan juga ke sebagian Sumatra Utara.
Pergolakan daerah di Sumatra Barat itu langsung divonis Jakarta sebagai “separatisme”, dan para pengikutnya diberi stigma “pemberontak.”
Apakah betul rakyat Sumatra Barat ingin memisahkan diri dari NKRI? Tidak masuk akal!
Bagaimana kita bisa membayangkan kelahiran nasionalisme Indonesia modern dan eksistensinya sebagai negara baru saat itu, tanpa sumbangan pemikiran dan perjuangan para tokoh intelektual sekaligus negarawan asal Minangkabau: Tan Malaka, ‘The Grand Old Man” Haji Agus Salim, Hatta, Sjahrir, Yamin, dan lainnya (1999).
Bacalah buku-buku kajian sejarah tentang tokoh-tokoh itu, atau baca misalnya buku Audrey Kahin, “Rebellion to Integration: West Sumatra and the Indonesian Polity (1999).”
Demikian pula pada waktu yang sama (1956)Â di Sulawesi Utara dengan pergolakan PERMESTA (dipimpin Vence Sumual dan Alex Kawilarang). Apakah betul rakyat Minahasa ingin memisahkan diri dari NKRI ? Pasti tidak betul!
Sumual dan Kawilarang adalah tokoh-tokoh penting TNIÂ yang ikut berjuang di Jawa era 1945-1949, bersama para pejuang lainnya asal Sulawesi dalam Laskar KRIS (Kebaktian Rakyat Indonesia Sulawesi). Bahkan Kawilarang, lulusan Akademi Militer Belanda (bersama AH Nasution dan TB Simatupang), adalah Panglima Divisi Siliwangi, divisi TNI paling profesional saat itu.
Studi Barbara S. Harvey, PERMESTA: Half a Rebellion (1977), membuktikan bahwa pergolakan di Sulawesi Utara lebih merupakan ketidakpuasan sebagian elitenya atas kebijakan Jakarta, bukan gerakan separatis.
Itu sebabnya Barbara Harvey menyebut pergolakan itu sebagai “half a rebellion”: pemberontakan “setengah hati.”
Dari berbagai kajian historis di atas, jelas bahwa latar belakang gerakan perlawanan di kedua daerah itu bukanlah karena ingin memisahkan diri dari NKRI, tapi ada sebab-sebab lain yang lebih kompleks.
Gerakan perlawanan itu adalah wujud ketidakpuasan atas kebijakan pemerintah pusat yang dianggap tidak adil secara ekonomi (misalnya pengelolaan dan bagi hasil SDA daerah); juga kurang responsif terhadap aspirasi daerah (sebenarnya gagasan awal otonomi daerah bisa dilacak mulai dari sini!).
Pemahaman konteks historis ini penting sebagai pembanding saat membahas fenomena separatisme setelah dekade 1950an, khususnya selama 30 tahun Orde Baru (Orba), dan juga masa kini.
Studi terbaru LIPI (Politik Identitas, 2019)Â menunjukkan pergolakan daerah berbasis etnisitas selama Orba, selain Aceh dan Papua, juga terjadi di Riau dan Bali. Studi itu mengungkapkan beberapa faktor di balik pergolakan daerah tersebut. Antara lain 1) adanya kesadaran sebagai suatu kesatuan primordial yang khas; 2) adanya ketimpangan struktural (ekonomi); dan 3) dampak praktik kebijakan represif-otoriter dan diskriminatif.
Sebelum LIPI, Jaques Bertrand juga mengungkap hal ini. (JP/RS)
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